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15 lat Polski w Unii Europejskiej

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Description:Ignacy Morawski highlights that the EU played a positive role in Poland long before accession by offering a roadmap for the political and economic transition from communism (and significantly easing the latter). The economic impact of membership is one of its most tangible fruits. It has boosted Poland’s economic growth by an estimated one percentage point per year, helping the country catch up with western Europe much faster than if it had stated outside the EU. The development of trade from joining the single market and the influx of EU funds account for one quarter of Poland’s economic growth. Morawski distinguishes three processes triggered by EU accession: convergence (climbing the income ladder and gradually catching up with the most-developed states), easing Poland’s transition and incorporating the country into international supply chains.Membership’s impact on the Polish legal system is equally tangible, as discussed by Artur Nowak-Far. For years, Poland merely received EU regulations. With accession, it did not immediately start creating them to the same extent as other member states. Although Poland received the formal instruments for influencing the EU legislative process, learning to use them took years. Nowak-Far argues that the application of EU law in Poland has proven beneficial in every way; it improved the quality of the existing law, benefiting citizens and — above all — entrepreneurs, as well as the quality of Poland’s judiciary. There are still problems, such as low social awareness of what EU law regulations. It is partly implemented using national regulations; as a result, citizens are unaware that they owe certain privileges to EU membership. Another problem is EU law’s negative image based on myths on overregulation. These often result from the lack of good information on what the EU does. The past fifteen years have also been a period of political changes, which determined Poland’s policy in Brussels. Łukasz Lipiński and Jan Szyszko divide it into three phases. The first, in 2004-2007, was characterised by a lack of political stability in Poland, between the end of the Democratic Left Alliance’s years in power and the first right-wing government. This period offered the first — often tough — lessons on how to function in the EU, coinciding with the negotiation of the latest treaty reforms. When the Law and Justice (PiS) party was in power in 2005-2007, Poland threatened to use its veto for the first time. The so-called “war for the chair” — the spat between Prime Minister Donald Tusk and President Lech Kaczyński over who would represent Poland at European Council meetings — brought the country’s domestic political conflicts to Brussels. The second phase, in 2007-2015, was the eight years of the Civic Platform (PO) and Polish People’s Party (PSL) coalition government, when Poland strengthened its position in the EU as an unequivocally pro-European country, the authors argue. Polish society’s support for the EU helped, as did that fact that the governing parties were members of the European People’s Party, the dominant force in the European Parliament and Council. The Polish administration’s experience enabled the government to initiate its own EU projects — the Eastern Partnership and the energy union — culminating in Tusk’s appointment as president of the European Council. Poland’s positive image in the EU was also influenced by its economic results, which were exceptional in crisis-ridden Europe. This period closed towards the end of PO-PSL coalition’s years in power, when the dispute over EU migration policy flared up. The next period began in 2015, when the right won the elections. The authors call this the time of confrontation. Back in power, PiS called for the EU to develop in an intergovernmental direction, rather than in a community-based one, moving away from Poland’s traditional stance and the EU mainstream. In practice, Warsaw clashed with Brussels and most member states over its domestic policy, above all its changes to the judiciary. According to the authors, Poland’s position in the EU has weakened significantly. The government has failed spectacularly on issues such as the posted workers directive. It has put itself in a difficult position in the ongoing negotiations on the next EU budget, which will be crucial for Poland in the years ahead.Since PiS came to power, Poland’s one-time priority in the EU — promoting Ukraine’s European aspirations — has collapsed. Adam Balcer discusses Poland’s troubled relations with its eastern neighbour. These are at their worst since Ukraine regained independence in 1991, he notes. This mainly results from both countries’ historical policy (more important for Poland than for Ukraine), which has made it increasingly difficult for Warsaw to act as Kiev’s advocated in the EU. The Polish right’s domestic policy and its problems with Brussels have made Poland less of a source of inspiration for Ukraine’s own transformatio...We have made it easy for you to find a PDF Ebooks without any digging. And by having access to our ebooks online or by storing it on your computer, you have convenient answers with 15 lat Polski w Unii Europejskiej. To get started finding 15 lat Polski w Unii Europejskiej, you are right to find our website which has a comprehensive collection of manuals listed.
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Pages: 162

Format: PDF, EPUB & Kindle Edition

Publisher: Instyytut In.Europa

Release: 2019

ISBN

Description: Ignacy Morawski highlights that the EU played a positive role in Poland long before accession by offering a roadmap for the political and economic transition from communism (and significantly easing the latter). The economic impact of membership is one of its most tangible fruits. It has boosted Poland’s economic growth by an estimated one percentage point per year, helping the country catch up with western Europe much faster than if it had stated outside the EU. The development of trade from joining the single market and the influx of EU funds account for one quarter of Poland’s economic growth. Morawski distinguishes three processes triggered by EU accession: convergence (climbing the income ladder and gradually catching up with the most-developed states), easing Poland’s transition and incorporating the country into international supply chains.Membership’s impact on the Polish legal system is equally tangible, as discussed by Artur Nowak-Far. For years, Poland merely received EU regulations. With accession, it did not immediately start creating them to the same extent as other member states. Although Poland received the formal instruments for influencing the EU legislative process, learning to use them took years. Nowak-Far argues that the application of EU law in Poland has proven beneficial in every way; it improved the quality of the existing law, benefiting citizens and — above all — entrepreneurs, as well as the quality of Poland’s judiciary. There are still problems, such as low social awareness of what EU law regulations. It is partly implemented using national regulations; as a result, citizens are unaware that they owe certain privileges to EU membership. Another problem is EU law’s negative image based on myths on overregulation. These often result from the lack of good information on what the EU does. The past fifteen years have also been a period of political changes, which determined Poland’s policy in Brussels. Łukasz Lipiński and Jan Szyszko divide it into three phases. The first, in 2004-2007, was characterised by a lack of political stability in Poland, between the end of the Democratic Left Alliance’s years in power and the first right-wing government. This period offered the first — often tough — lessons on how to function in the EU, coinciding with the negotiation of the latest treaty reforms. When the Law and Justice (PiS) party was in power in 2005-2007, Poland threatened to use its veto for the first time. The so-called “war for the chair” — the spat between Prime Minister Donald Tusk and President Lech Kaczyński over who would represent Poland at European Council meetings — brought the country’s domestic political conflicts to Brussels. The second phase, in 2007-2015, was the eight years of the Civic Platform (PO) and Polish People’s Party (PSL) coalition government, when Poland strengthened its position in the EU as an unequivocally pro-European country, the authors argue. Polish society’s support for the EU helped, as did that fact that the governing parties were members of the European People’s Party, the dominant force in the European Parliament and Council. The Polish administration’s experience enabled the government to initiate its own EU projects — the Eastern Partnership and the energy union — culminating in Tusk’s appointment as president of the European Council. Poland’s positive image in the EU was also influenced by its economic results, which were exceptional in crisis-ridden Europe. This period closed towards the end of PO-PSL coalition’s years in power, when the dispute over EU migration policy flared up. The next period began in 2015, when the right won the elections. The authors call this the time of confrontation. Back in power, PiS called for the EU to develop in an intergovernmental direction, rather than in a community-based one, moving away from Poland’s traditional stance and the EU mainstream. In practice, Warsaw clashed with Brussels and most member states over its domestic policy, above all its changes to the judiciary. According to the authors, Poland’s position in the EU has weakened significantly. The government has failed spectacularly on issues such as the posted workers directive. It has put itself in a difficult position in the ongoing negotiations on the next EU budget, which will be crucial for Poland in the years ahead.Since PiS came to power, Poland’s one-time priority in the EU — promoting Ukraine’s European aspirations — has collapsed. Adam Balcer discusses Poland’s troubled relations with its eastern neighbour. These are at their worst since Ukraine regained independence in 1991, he notes. This mainly results from both countries’ historical policy (more important for Poland than for Ukraine), which has made it increasingly difficult for Warsaw to act as Kiev’s advocated in the EU. The Polish right’s domestic policy and its problems with Brussels have made Poland less of a source of inspiration for Ukraine’s own transformatio...We have made it easy for you to find a PDF Ebooks without any digging. And by having access to our ebooks online or by storing it on your computer, you have convenient answers with 15 lat Polski w Unii Europejskiej. To get started finding 15 lat Polski w Unii Europejskiej, you are right to find our website which has a comprehensive collection of manuals listed.
Our library is the biggest of these that have literally hundreds of thousands of different products represented.

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